Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence debate – Wednesday, 2 Feb 2022 (oireachtas.ie)
The ambassador is very welcome. I am sure it is getting tiresome having to respond to so many of us. I will try to get through this as quickly as I can.
Regarding Russia’s relationship with Ireland, we would like to think that our countries would be friendly towards each other. There are two issues that continually arise with respect to Russia and Ireland. One is the ships that are regarded as spy ships off our west coast. Does Russia have spy ships travelling up and down our west coast? The other one is that, as friends, why would Russia’s aircraft fly along our west coast with their transponders switched off? Why would that happen? I live in a housing estate and it is like me looking over the wall of a neighbour’s house under cover of some sort to see what is going on. One would not expect a friend to do that. I am interested to hear the ambassador’s comments on that.
I accept that there was a great deal of media coverage of the Russian exercise in the Atlantic and I accept that it is not an unusual occurrence. All navies have exercises in the Atlantic, so there is nothing unusual about that. However, the location was unusual and I regard it as a provocative move towards Europe more than a provocative move towards Ireland, given Ireland’s inability from a defence point of view. Many people in Ireland would have seen it as a provocative move. Clearly, the ambassador’s response to the fishermen is welcome and I am delighted Russia decided to move the exercise elsewhere. Can he tell us precisely where it is likely to take place now? Is it true that Russia informed the UK before Ireland was informed that the exercise was to take place? I am interested to know that.
The ambassador spoke about Russia’s friends in Belarus and about Russia being a peacekeeping force, a people who want the same freedoms as the rest of the world. What steps has Russia taken to convince the Belarusian authorities that the detention of political prisoners is wrong? What steps has it taken to try to convince those authorities to release them? I hope I am not going too fast for the ambassador.
The ambassador says in his document that states have a right to choose their partners and their friends. Why does it worry Russia so much that they choose to be friendly with NATO countries? NATO is not in Ukraine at present, so why would that worry Russia? With respect to the aerial photographs of the build-up we are seeing, if it is just normal everyday behaviour for the Russian Federation to have so many troops on the border with Ukraine, is the ambassador saying there is an equal number of troops on the borders with Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia? If it has, it must have a massive entire force.
My colleague, Senator Wilson, raised the issue of Georgia. Members of this committee have seen photographs of the area in Georgia that is now covered by Russia. Prior to the occupation, which is what we believe it is, there were villages and farm buildings there.
There was every sign of people living there. Now, it seems to be devoid of all buildings. We are being told, and I would like the ambassador to explain this, that there is constant probing on the borders with Georgia now, which is to say, the enforced borders. We are also being told that farmers and farming families have been separated from their lands and if they try to get back to their lands, they are arrested when they cross the border.
The ambassador says Russian troops are there in a peacekeeping role. Has Russia stood idly and quietly by while whoever is in charge has destroyed buildings and razed entire villages to the ground? Is he aware of that taking place? If he is, who does he blame for it, if it is not a Russian takeover of that particular part of the country?
The last time I spoke to the ambassador about Crimea, he gave me a history lesson. Perhaps he will give a history lesson to the entire committee about Russia’s rights to be in Crimea.
Other than that, I wish we could see a de-escalation by all sides of what is going on right now because all it takes is one unforeseen act to drag all of us into some sort of conflict. While my colleagues talk about neutral Ireland, I talk about militarily non-aligned Ireland. There is a slight difference. I do not want to see conflict and conflict does not take a whole lot. I was around in the 1960s during the Cold War and anything could have happened at that time. In the situation we are in now anything could happen again. It only takes one person to do something wrong and the next thing, we have a war on our hands. I thank the ambassador for being here. I hope he will deal with those issues.
Situation in Ukraine: Statements – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Tuesday, 1 Mar 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
Ireland and its Governments have basked in the mistaken belief that as a small island nation no one would ever want to hurt us, with the mantra of how we box above our weight and our marvellous reputation as peacekeepers from a neutral state allowing us to take the high moral ground on the international stage. Countless Ministers over the years have spoken of our neutrality. Indeed, some have referred to Ireland’s neutrality and our military non-alignment in the same sentence, not realising that these two positions are polar opposites. What does this say about the advice Ministers are given? Perhaps the Minister of State might clear up which we are. As Mr. Justice Kearns put it in 2003, despite the great heroic value attached by Ireland to the concept of neutrality, the status of our neutrality is nowhere to be found in Bunreacht na hÉireann or in any domestic legislation. Are we neutral or are we militarily non-aligned?
Due to Government policy down through the years the average citizen has been indifferent to defence and the Defence Forces, trusting Government to look after such matters. It took a crisis in Ukraine and a decision by the Russian navy to carry out an exercise off the south-west coast of Ireland within our exclusive economic zone, EEZ, to bring into sharp focus the appalling state of our Defence Forces and our defence capability. Shamefully, countless Governments have presided over the disinvestment in the Defence Forces and have brought us to our current sad state. We have a Naval Service with ships costing taxpayers millions of euro yet almost half the fleet is tied up due to lack of crew, lack of investment in people and lousy working conditions. We have no idea what is operating beneath the sea for we have no sonar. Our neutrality is laughable when we are allowing a NATO country to protect our skies with its RAF fighter jets. Just as we have no idea what lies beneath the sea, we have no primary radar to see what flies above us. Neutral or otherwise, as a nation we are in a very sorry state.
The Minister set up the Commission on the Defence Forces, which has now reported. Following the publication of the report, he stated it would take four to five months to analyse the recommendations fully. Compare this to the swift action of the German Government. Five days ago the chief of the German Army vented his frustration over what he saw as a long-running neglect of military readiness in his country in an unusual public rant a few hours after Russia invaded Ukraine, adding that his army was in bad shape. Three days later, the German Government committed €100 billion to fund its armed services and ramped up its defence spending to 2% of its gross domestic product. Why does the Government need four to five months to consider what to do following the report of the commission? Spending in Ireland on defence is 0.2% of GDP. As a nation we are rapidly becoming defenceless and must by now be a laughing stock in Europe.
Ukraine’s president pleaded with the European Union today. He said, “Prove that you are with us” in an impassioned speech that received a standing ovation from the Members of the European Parliament. How has Ireland shown that it is with Ukraine? Our response has been strange, to say the least. At the European Parliament, two of Ireland’s MEPs voted against a resolution condemning Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine, although 637 of their colleagues supported the resolution. Where the truly neutral states of Finland and Sweden are prepared to provide weapons to assist Ukrainians defend themselves, Ireland is providing medical supplies, body armour, fuel and other non-lethal materials to the Ukraine military to aid in the defence against Russia. Indeed, one MEP suggested that the petrol provided should not be used in tanks.
People are dying on the streets of Ukraine. Civilians are standing in front of tanks and armoured cars, using their bodies to stop them moving forward into their cities. Men, women and children are being murdered. Ukraine must be able to defend itself. We have military hardware we can donate. For God’s sake, send what we have. We have a few dozen Javelin missiles, automatic self-guidance missiles. We have 84 mm unguided, man-held anti-tank weapons. The Minister must work with EU partners in every sense. We must be prepared to provide ammunition and so on. When it comes to the Russian embassy and expulsions from it, we must be at one with Europe. We are not neutral; we are not sure what we are. That is a question for another day. In the words of Desmond Tutu, if we are neutral in situations of injustice we have chosen the side of the oppressor. Have we chosen the side of Russia?
An tOrd Gnó – Order of Business – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Thursday, 3 Mar 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
The ambassador is welcome to the House today. It is amazing that it took a war in Ukraine to bring us all so close together. I hope that closeness continues.
I express my thanks to the Irish Air Corps for going the extra mile and flying to Romania yesterday to bring home parents and their surrogate children. People have said things about the Air Corps in this place, about it not being regulated and this, that and the other, but when it is required to step up to the plate, it always steps up to the plate.
Irish neutrality and Irish military non-alignment is now very much in public discourse. Most people now accept that Ireland is not and never has been a neutral country. We do not conform to the requirements of the Hague Convention of 1907 as a neutral country, therefore we cannot claim neutrality. What we can claim is that we are militarily non-aligned. I heard the words “politically neutral” used the other day. There is no such concept. We come out with such nonsense to try to explain ourselves.
Since 1999, under Chapter 8 of the UN charter, Ireland has deployed with regional organisations. One might ask what is the difference. If we deploy with the United Nations, we wear a blue beret. If we deploy under a regional organisation, which includes the EU and NATO, we wear the beret of our nation. In the case of the Irish Defence Forces, it is the black beret.
Ireland and NATO have been in public discourse for some time. Let us talk about that for a few moments. The Irish Partnership for Peace has been working with NATO since 1999. The Defence Forces spent considerable, time, effort and expense getting NATO operational capabilities concept, OCC, phase 1 certification for the Naval Service LE George Bernard Shaw and for the Army Ranger Wing. Therefore, while we are not aligned with NATO, we are damn close to it.
Senior officers in the Defence Forces complete the NATO planning process module and are NATO certified on successful completion as part of the senior command and staff course. All military NATO doctrine is referenced and used in Defence Forces doctrine, so it is definitely aligned with NATO. Ireland does not use the training doctrine or certification from Russia or China. Therefore, we are not aligned with them.
The White Paper on defence in 2015 categorically states we should increase our alignment with regional actors such as NATO and the EU entities. Ireland is very much aligned militarily with NATO but the real fact is we are incapable of delivering any commitment to NATO, if asked, because of the current state of our Defence Forces. When the Minister talks about neutrality, military non-alignment, and political neutrality, he should probably sit down and study precisely what we are before he makes statements. Could we please be honest about this and stop being afraid? NATO is not a bad word. Being allied to NATO is not a bad thing. People need to stop muddying the waters on neutrality. There is nothing wrong with proactive military alignment when it is required. Ireland is aligned with NATO, but it exercises its right to refrain militarily from NATO activities, save those that are under Chapter 8 of the UN charter.
The bottom line is this country needs to have a discussion on neutrality. Until that discussion happens, however, we are sitting on armaments today that we can send to Ukraine. I have seen people standing with their shoulders to tanks to try to stop them rolling into their towns. I have photographs that were given to me this morning by the ambassador from Ukraine and they are horrific. We cannot sit idly by. I do not want bloodshed, but I want people to be able to defend themselves. We should send the weapons.
An tOrd Gnó – Order of Business – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Thursday, 10 Mar 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
I want to raise two things this morning. The first one is my long-suffering search and rescue tender process that is under way. The pre-qualification questionnaire, PQQ, has been issued and the PQQ date has passed. However, I believe an entirely new PQQ has to be issued because the Irish Aviation Authority, IAA, issued an instruction to CHC, the current incumbent, to change its shift cycle from a 24-hour cycle to a 12-hour one. This means it will have to possibly double the number of crews it has. That will have a massive impact on the overall employee cost for the forthcoming tender. I estimate the current cost of salaries is about €20 million a year, so I estimate it will go to €30 million or €35 million a year over the duration of the next contract. We have to try to find out what is going on.
The second issue relates to the current situation in Ukraine. We had the report on the future of the Defence Forces and the Department, and the Minister said they needed some months to consider it. Contrast that with what happened in Germany. The chief of staff in Germany criticised the state of the defence of Germany and within three days the German Government responded with a €100 billion package to improve defence. We need four or five months to think about €1 billion and yet the Germans were able to make a decision within three days.
I call for a debate in this House on cybersecurity. Cybersecurity is in the wrong Department for starters; it should be under defence. We need to know exactly what steps are being taken. We are entering an extremely dangerous time in cybersecurity. I am in contact with CEOs of private companies. Indeed, I am studying cybersecurity at the moment. We need to put it on the agenda here and now and front and centre because we are about to face serious attacks from all over the world.
Joint Committee on European Union Affairs debate – Wednesday, 15 May 2024 (oireachtas.ie)
I thank the Chair for facilitating my attendance. I welcome the guests and thank them for their comprehensive opening statements.
I asked the Tánaiste to address this first issue yesterday. The Government has given an undertaking that the Department of Foreign Affairs will set out a briefing document for Members of the Oireachtas on what Irish neutrality is. We have never had it defined in the 102 or so years the State has been around. We frequently hear it said that Ireland is politically neutral or militarily neutral and non-aligned. We fail to understand these are opposite poles when it comes to discussing things. Would either of the witnesses care to try to define Irish neutrality, or Paddy neutrality as I frequently refer to it? It is becoming quite embarrassing when we travel overseas. I recently attended a conference in Bruges on foreign affairs and defence involving the 27 member states. At that conference during sidebar conversations, the issue of Ireland’s neutrality was in some cases regarded as the butt of a joke and in more cases as a serious threat to the western flank of Europe. Do the witnesses have anything to say on that?
I disagree with Dr. McDonagh insofar as I think the forum organised by the Tánaiste was quite brave because it kicked topics into the public domain that for years had been suppressed. It did not achieve what it set out to do, but it started the conversation and we needed to start it.
That brings me on to the Defence Forces. In this illustrious establishment, when people talk about the Defence Forces, they categorise them into one of two categories. One is the local authority corporation that deals with bus strikes, collects bins, cleans the snow off the footpaths, are lovely guys in uniform any time a new ambassador arrives in the country and the only role they have in the world is peacekeeping. We fail to take cognisance of the fact that our explosive ordnance disposal, EOD, people are out once if not twice a week and of the several other mandatory statutory tasks and objectives the Defence Forces have. Speaking to two guys in civvies, there is an onus on all of us to get into the public domain what we do, what our Defence Forces are there for. They are greatly misunderstood.
On the lack of an intelligence service in Ireland, An Garda Síochána is double-hatted with some intelligence duties and normal policing. Do the witnesses see the lack of an intelligence service similar to the CIA, MI5 or MI6 as limiting? They spoke about how we can attend various committees in Europe and elsewhere, but there is a point at which we are no longer required in the room or, if we are in the room, we have no direct input. Is the lack of an intelligence agency in some way hampering Ireland’s position?
The Atlantic Ocean carries massive assets for Europe, and many of them pass through our economic zone. It is as plain as the nose on my face that we are incapable of patrolling that area. Even if all nine ships were at sea, we still could not cover the level of the Atlantic Ocean that is necessary. I proposed at that meeting in Bruges the establishment of a European Atlantic fleet, outside NATO, that would have arrest capacity anywhere in Europe. The only caveat would be that an arrested ship would be landed at the nearest port, wherever that might be. Conceivably, a German ship could arrest a ship in Irish waters and have to escort it to Ireland for whatever action to be taken. We are not necessarily talking about military ships. We are talking about drugs, people trafficking and such things. Do the witnesses see that as something that might fly? It certainly flew in Bruges when I spoke about it.
I could not possibly discuss memorandums of understanding, MOUs. I am up to my neck in that at the moment. When that is over we will chat about it.
The witnesses spoke about research. There is research into military equipment in Carlow, for example. There is a lack of a centralised research agency. We discussed this yesterday in respect of cybersecurity. A great deal of cyber research is going on in the country, but there is no statutory body with oversight of it, which all these research agencies would feed into in order for us to have a co-ordinated approach to all research. Could we pull in military and cyber research under the guise of a central research body? How would that improve things? I am sorry I am throwing a lot at the witnesses, but I want to try to get in as much as I can.
Currently, Ireland cannot be a member of NATO for a number of reasons, not least that there is neither political nor public will to be. However, the North Atlantic is opening up. Climate change will bring new shipping pathways into the north of Europe and it would be in our strategic interest to ensure that passageway is protected. It has already been established that there is a joint expeditionary post. From the somewhat limited definition of our neutrality, would the witnesses see joining an expeditionary force as being anathema to any notion of neutrality?
I am coming to an end. The attack on a European partner was mentioned. I have been over and back to Estonia a number of times on cyber programmes and bringing delegations there. One of the things I notice when I arrive in Tallinn is the number of military uniforms from all over Europe, including the UK. The UK may be outside the EU but it is not outside NATO so its pilots can be found, for example. I was with the Royal Dragoons a number of weeks ago.
They are heading to Estonia for a six-month posting very soon. It will be a huge game-changer if there is an attack on European soil from a member state. Leaving aside everything else, do we have an obligation to our partners in Europe to support them?
My last question is, in the area of weaponry ammunition, I agree totally with the witness with respect to the weapons and ammunition we have. It would be a token gesture. Some of them are at the end of their life cycle and in fact it would be cheaper to have them shot at Russians than to have them destroyed. I just do not understand why we do not hand them over. If we are dealing with the US, there is a standardised system so there is a standard number of weapons, helicopters, aircraft and ammunition. Within Europe we have a mishmash, as was rightly pointed out. Different countries have different priorities. Will that limit the capacity to support Ukraine where, for example, the same rifle ammunition cannot be got? Someone might be using 7.62 mm and I might be using 5.5 mm or 3.03 mm or whatever. Will that be a problem for Europe? The establishment of a defence commissioner might resolve some of those problems.
I am sorry, that is a lot of stuff. I will leave it at that. The witnesses may be getting an invitation to come back from the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence. It is very good to have these people here and we might bring them over to attend at our committee.
Address to Seanad Éireann by Members of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Tuesday, 14 Jun 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
Our friends are welcome. The ambassador is welcome. The Hague Convention defines neutrality. I trust that the Cathaoirleach will forgive me for challenging neutrality at this point in time. Ireland only ever once defined neutrality, which was in Ireland’s White Paper on foreign policy in 1995, Challenges and Opportunities Abroad, in chapter 4 on international security.
Paragraph 4.5 states:
In the strict sense of international law and practice, neutrality and its attendant rights and duties do not exist in peacetime; they arise only during a state of war. Neutrality represents an attitude of impartiality adopted by a state towards the participants in a conflict and recognised as such by the belligerents. Such an attitude creates certain rights and duties between the neutral state and the belligerents, which commence at the outbreak of war and end with its cessation.
Why did I read that into the record? Ireland has never been a neutral state. The only time we have been tested before now was between 1939 and 1945, during the Second World War, when we openly repatriated members of the Allied forces who landed on our island – in our Republic – across the Border so that they could get back into the war. We are being tested now. We are facing autocracy versus democracy in Ukraine. The question is: where do we stand? We have provided medical aid, financial support, helmets and flak jackets. Sitting in a building not so far away from us right now are a substantial number of Javelin rockets that can be used to take out tanks, a substantial number of Gustaf 84 mm anti-tank weapons that can be used to take out tanks, a substantial number of AT4 anti-tank missiles that can be used to be take out tanks and other weapons. We also have a substantial number of artillery weapons that we could supply.
Failing to give the weapons to the Ukrainians to defend themselves is akin to me offering to hold someone’s jacket while they fight someone else with a gun. I know that many people in Ireland feel we should not provide weapons. However, asking Ukrainians to defend themselves against a vicious and unwarranted attack and offering them nothing but money and stating that our hands tied with respect to weapons is not good enough. I am a military man. Those of us in this House and the Lower House who come from a military background believe that the only way to support a military force is by providing weapons that can be used to fight off the enemy. I make a plea here and now among my colleagues. Real support comes through providing Ukrainians with the tools to save their lives, to save the lives of their children, to maintain their cities and to stop the Russians in their tracks.
Let me turn to the issue of food. We spoke this morning about the grain and the grain stores. I believe Mr. Natalukha told me this morning it is 700 million tonnes. Is that it?
It is 25 million tonnes.
There is a substantial amount of grain in storage which cannot be brought out of Ukraine to the rest of the world. As has been rightly pointed, famine is another tool being used by one of the belligerents in this war, namely, Russia. Introducing famine into places like north Africa destabilises the entire geopolitical system.
Ireland is a member of the United Nations Security Council. I am on record as having no faith in the United Nations Security Council and very little faith in the United Nations. However, if we are truly there to protect the individuals of this world and ensure that men, women and children have access to food, then we must put in place a peace-enforcement unit in the Black Sea to open the port of Odesa and allow food to be transferred out of Ukraine to the rest of the world. We cannot sit on our hands and say we will give the Ukrainians everything they need to fight but not provide them with access to the world market and allow them to transfer food to those who need it around the world. Grain sitting in silos in Ukraine today will rot if it is not brought out. Worse still, there will be nowhere to put this year’s harvest if we do not empty those silos. The United Nations must prove itself to be an organisation that represents the downtrodden and those who would be oppressed by tyrants. It must provide the necessary tools and equipment to open the ports in Ukraine and allow the food and grain sitting there to be transferred.
Across Europe we have not closed the gas and oil pipelines. We have threatened to do it and we will do it in time. We must open the ports in Ukraine. We must allow the Ukrainian people to transfer what they have which is needed by the rest of the world. When members of the delegation speak to our Ministers and when their ministers speak to our Government and other European governments, two things are needed. We need Ukrainians to be armed in order that they can defend themselves. We need Ukrainian ports open and if that takes a massive naval flotilla to go and open the port in Odesa, that is what we must do. Talk is cheap; let us see action from the United Nations and let us see it now.
An tOrd Gnó – Order of Business – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Wednesday, 15 Jun 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
I join with Senator O’Sullivan, whose comments were well made and showed perfect timing. In an article by Sorcha Pollak in The Irish Times on 13 June 2022 entitled “Five Ukrainian soldiers with ‘significant trauma-related injuries’ airlifted to Dublin”, a statement from a Department of Foreign Affairs spokesperson was included. That spokesperson said Ireland was “not politically or morally neutral in the face of Russia’s appalling attack against Ukraine”. The article continues:
“Ireland has a long-standing policy of military neutrality, meaning that we do not participate in military alliances or mutual defence arrangements,” he told The Irish Times. However, the treatment of injured Ukrainian combatants in Ireland reflects the State’s “continuing commitment to work closely with our EU partners to provide humanitarian and other assistance to the people of Ukraine.”
In making this statement, the Department has reiterated a falsehood that is directly in contravention of its own stated position on foreign policy. Let me once again refer to Ireland’s only White Paper on foreign policy, which was published by the Department of Foreign Affairs not in 1922 or between 1939 and 1945, during the Second World War, but in 1995. Perhaps those in the Department have forgotten about it and perhaps it is time to remind them. Paragraph 4.5 of chapter 4 of Challenges and Opportunities Abroad: Ireland’s White Paper on Foreign Policy, which is the section on international security, states:
In the strict sense of international law and practice, neutrality and its attendant rights and duties do not exist in peacetime; they arise only during a state of war. Neutrality represents an attitude of impartiality adopted by a state towards the participants in a conflict and recognised as such by the belligerents. Such an attitude creates certain rights and duties between the neutral state and the belligerents which commence at the outbreak of war and end with its cessation.
Has Ireland’s position changed since this White Paper was published? If so, who changed it and where in the Oireachtas was it discussed? What is this nonsense about political or moral neutrality and where does it come from? Where can I find either position defined in international law? The statement refers to military neutrality and states that we do not participate in military alliances. Two points need to be made here. The first is that neutrality and military non-alignment are polar opposites. As a nation, are we neutral or non-aligned? If we are truly militarily non-aligned, why have we not joined the other 120 non-aligned countries in the world?
It is time for an informed national debate on Ireland’s status. It is time for an honest debate. I call on the Cathaoirleach, someone who has led on many things, including the debate we had here yesterday, to bring such a debate to Seanad Éireann, the place where it must start. At the beginning of the term of this Seanad, when we were elected in 2020, I asked for a debate on neutrality. I ask for it again today. The citizens of this country deserve no less than an honest, clear and informed debate to allow a national discussion on Ireland’s future military status to commence. We constantly hear this nonsense about political or moral neutrality and military non-alignment. The Irish Times ran a poll about people’s attitude to neutrality. The people of Ireland do not know what is required of the State to be truly neutral or truly militarily non-aligned. I ask the Cathaoirleach to work with the Leader to bring experts to this House who will debate with its Members what it truly means for Ireland to be neutral or militarily non-aligned. Let us inform the debate before a citizens’ assembly is put in place so that people are not talking about something that has not really been debated since the foundation of the State.
Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence debate – Tuesday, 8 Nov 2022 (oireachtas.ie)
I acknowledge the presence of the ambassador. For people following the meeting in Ukraine, you have an ambassador and staff in Dublin who work extremely hard for displaced citizens who arrive in this country, many of whom I have met.
The Chairman adverted to the issue of generators. The Russians have clearly targeted electricity, gas and water infrastructure in particular. In high-rise apartment blocks the demand for high-powered generators must be fairly high. It would be handy to have quantified exactly what Ukraine needs in order to identify what part Ireland can play in the provision of generators. I also met Ukraine’s military attaché about a week ago, who expressed a desire to have winter tents and clothing made available. Can we get some idea of the numbers we are talking about? That would be helpful.
I speak as an Independent and I do not speak for Ireland in any way. As regards support for Ukraine, I find it regrettable that we have weapons here that we could provide to Ukraine. Having provided military helmets, medical aid, first aid and flak jackets, the move to provide weapons is a very short step. There is no question of where we stand on the war; we are 100% supportive of and behind Ukraine’s struggle. We will keep advocating for the provision of what limited weapons we have. We do not have a whole lot, to be totally honest about it.
I am concerned about the number of displaced people who are still attempting to enter Ireland. It is not that we do not want Ukraine’s citizens here. We wish to provide any accommodation and resources we can but, right now, we have nothing left. Ukrainian people arriving here are coming to very poor accommodation and circumstances. The country will do everything it possibly can but we have to be realistic about what we can offer. Ukraine’s ambassador has made that point quite clearly in recent days.
We will continue to fight the struggle with Ukraine. We think it may become a distant war over the winter period in which there will be less face-to-face contact and more missile attacks, especially long-range missiles into Kyiv and other major cities, and that we will unfortunately have to watch from the outside. I totally support Mr. Merezhko’s comments on the UN Security Council. I do not believe the Soviet Union should have a seat on the Security Council because there is no Soviet Union but, then again, I do not believe the UN Security Council is fit for purpose any more. Our Government has tried to change the veto in the Security Council which is a key issue. I would like to think the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, would have a greater role but I understand Mr. Merezhko’s answer.
I do not have any other questions. Slava Ukraini. I wish Mr. Merezhko and Ms Rudenko the very best of luck and we are with them.
Ms Olga Rudenko
We greatly appreciate Ireland’s help with our displaced people. It is good to know how well they are treated in Ireland. I spoke to many people and Ireland is one of the best countries for them to live. I know Ireland does not have enough accommodation. We know this and we do not have any complaints. We know that Ireland does more than it can and we appreciate that a lot.
With regard to the list of needs, in addition to generators, warm clothing and so on, we need replacement parts for the electricity plant facilities because they have been destroyed and electricity companies are running out of their own supplies. I do not know exactly what the parts are called but we need replacement parts to fix the transformers in power plants.
That is an interesting point.
Mr. Oleksandr Merezhko
The good news is that the electricity has come back while we were talking to the committee. When we have electricity back the first thing we do is try to recharge our smartphones. It is good news that the power is back. I think it is also a result of our friendly conversation and a good sign. Ireland is one of my favourite countries. I have never been there but I know its literature. I cannot explain what it is when I meet Irish people but there is a term, “like-minded people”. We understand each other perfectly. Sometimes there is no need even for words for us to understand each other. I do not know how to explain it. Maybe there are some parallels in our history, culture or mentality but I view Irish people as our true friends.
I understand that Ireland is not a superpower which can provide us with all the weaponry we need and so on, but I see that it is wholeheartedly doing everything it can for us. We value that very highly and we view Ireland and its people as our true friends. Ireland is a superpower with regard to culture and in political terms because it has a very strong influence in the United States. I am not ashamed to ask Ireland to use its influence in the United States to help Ukraine because Ireland’s diaspora is highly respected. One of my colleagues, a congressman, has an Irish last name and I was surprised when he said he was Irish. It means Ireland has influence. I ask that it try to support us in this way.
An tOrd Gnó – Order of Business – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Thursday, 10 Nov 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
I have spoken about the Defence Forces here on many occasions. It is becoming an international embarrassment now. Yesterday, the foreign affairs site foreignpolicy.com published a statement to the effect that “Ireland is Europe’s weakest link”. The site outlined the current state of defence in this country and how defence has not featured. My colleague, Deputy Berry, and I frequently say Ireland does not do security.
This article brings into the public domain what has been said to me privately throughout Europe. Anywhere I travel, people ask me about the state of our security services and the undersea cables that come from the Unites States to Europe. Some 95% of all data travelling between these two continents, travels through Irish waters and we do not have a clue what is going on down there. There are Russian so-called scientific vessels sitting over cables and Russian fleets sailing in and out. It really is an international disgrace that we find ourselves in this situation. Nobody is listening to the representative bodies: the Army Ranger Wing is waiting for years for back-payment and a lieutenant instructor now earns less than a corporal who he overseas. That is just all wrong. There is something wrong and we really have to look at it.
I have also invited a number of veterans to this House over the past few days. I cannot understand how it has happened that we issued a medal in 2016 to the Defence Forces. A soldier who left after 40 years of service on 31 December 2015 was not entitled to the medal while a soldier who joined on 1 January 2016 was entitled to it. There are soldiers who joined and left within a few weeks who are selling the medal they got on eBay and wherever else. What a bloody insult that is to those who gave their lives to the defence of this country. We really owe them an awful lot more.
I ask the Leader to use her good offices and to put it to the Minister of Defence that we should have honoured those who served and issued them the 2016 medal. They deserved it. They gave their lives for this country and it is the very least we could do. I cannot begin to explain the level of hurt that is there over that medal. The bottom line on it is that I feel for them.
It is no secret I am as deaf as a doorknob. It is a terrible disability to have. You have no idea what it is like to be in company. I was in company recently with my wife and we were talking to some members of the French foreign legion. My wife pulled me aside and asked me if I had any idea what they were saying. I told her I had and she replied and told me I was answering questions they did not ask. There is nothing worse than being in company and not being able to understand what is being said about you.
I want to talk very briefly—–
No. The Senator has really done well at this stage. He can continue for one sentence.
Chime, the National Charity for Deafness and Hearing Loss, is carrying out a survey on hearing loss and I ask people to participate in it. It affects us all.
I am glad I could not hear the Leas-Chathaoirleach ringing the bell there.
Very well said, Senator.
At this stage I will step down.
Ireland’s Military Neutrality: Motion [Private Members] – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Wednesday, 23 Nov 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
Speaking as a veteran of the Defence Forces, I welcome the Minister. I am confused sitting here today. I have heard Members talking about neutrality and military non-alignment all in the same breath. These are polar opposites. We have a huge problem when we start talking about neutrality. Let us take a definition of neutrality from the Department of Foreign Affairs. In paragraph 4.5 of chapter 4 of Challenges and Opportunities Abroad: White Paper on Foreign Policy, which was published in 1995, neutrality is defined as follows:
In the strict sense of international law and practice, neutrality and its attendant rights and duties do not exist in peacetime; they arise only during a state of war. Neutrality represents an attitude of impartiality adopted by a state towards the participants in a conflict and recognised as such by the belligerents. Such an attitude creates certain rights and duties between the neutral state and the belligerents which commence at the outbreak of war and end with its cessation.
The programme for Government states that Irish people take great pride in the Permanent Defence Force and the men and women who serve this country with pride and distinction. The public might, but few governments have ever rewarded the loyalty freely given by these excellent woman and men who serve in the Defence Forces. If we are to be a truly neutral State, we have certain obligations. I ask the Minister to explain to the public how the Government will ensure there is respect for our so-called neutrality. Can we meet the most basic requirement to underpin our so-called sovereignty? For example, if necessary, could we use force to repel any violation of our territory? The Minister has held the portfolio for defence for over five of the past ten years. He presides now over the lowest headcount in the Permanent Defence Force in 50 years. Does the fact that so many of our skilled personnel walking out in their droves keep the Minister awake at night? We are the only country in the EU without a full-time Minister for Defence. That is not the Minister’s fault or that of the Cabinet. However, I think our Ministers are over-burdened in the number of portfolios they carry.
The Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces has done little to halt the exodus from the Defence Forces. The years of investment in our Naval Service have been lost as ships are decommissioned simply because we do not have crews for them.
The Air Corps is 50% deficient on technicians, and 26% below establishment. Our young pilots are being sent to the four corners of the world to be trained. Clearly, we are way beyond defending anything.
We have outsourced the search and rescue operation at enormous cost to the taxpayer. I wonder what the Air Corps could have achieved had it been tasked with search and rescue, SAR. What real support did the Minister give to the Air Corps with its bid? Its 415-page submission was critiqued by a three-page piece of rubbish without any empirical evidence. I sent the Minister a copy of that when I got it on freedom of information, FOI. I cannot believe that the Government in which the Minister sits has kicked out a proposal by the Air Corps on a piece of rubbish that was written with nothing to support it.
The Army is suffering. Our ordnance people are overworked completely. There are hundreds of non-commissioned officer, NCO, vacancies. Getting a decision recently, on which I commend the Minister because he fought hard for it, to retain sergeants took months.
The Government keeps lumping the Defence Forces into the public service when it comes to pay and conditions. Like it or lump it, jobs differ greatly across the public service. None can be truly benchmarked against the Defence Forces. Defence Forces personnel have no protections in the Workplace Relations Commission. They have no working time directive as we speak. They are not permitted overtime. They cannot take industrial action for better working conditions. They must pass medical and fitness, and drugs, tests on a regular basis. Moreover, they are subject to archaic and obscure military law processes and are forced to retire early. Even when there is an adjudication, as in the case of the Army Ranger Wing, now 30 years old, the Government simply chooses to ignore the income that those men, the ones who put themselves on the line, are entitled to.
If we scratch the surface of the Defence Forces, it is much worse. The numbers are artificially inflated by the inclusion of recruits, privates, cadets, second lieutenants and apprentices. Many of the apprentices are looking for a way out already. Indeed, we recently saw an entire class bought out by a private company. Many of the early post-2013 entrants into the Defence Forces are currently searching every opportunity to get out to good jobs.
The Minister and others from the Government proclaimed at the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war that Ireland was not neutral in this conflict. What authority did the Minister have to make that statement? The Minister and the Taoiseach have made this statement that we are not neutral in the case of the Ukrainian war. It never came before the House of the Oireachtas. Nobody in this House had a say.
An tOrd Gnó – Order of Business – Seanad Éireann (26th Seanad) – Thursday, 24 Nov 2022 – Houses of the Oireachtas
I rise today to propose a motion that Seanad Éireann recognises the Holodomor – inflicting death by starvation – of 1932 to 1933 as a genocide on the Ukrainian people and that its 90th anniversary, which will fall on 26 November 2022, we show our solidarity with Ukraine in commemorating this man-made famine, which was inflicted on the Ukrainian people by the deliberate policies of a totalitarian Stalinist regime, which resulted in millions of innocent lives being lost. I want to recognise the ambassador of Ukraine, who is currently in the Distinguished Visitors’ Gallery.
There is a background statement to this, which will be made available to people later. One of the paragraphs is horrific and states:
At the height of Holodomor, Ukrainians died at a rate of 25,000 per day, nearly a quarter of rural Ukrainians perished, more than 3 million children born in 1932 and 1933 died of starvation. [Remember that this was inflicted on the people.] In the same two years, the Soviet Union sold 1.7 million tons of grain on western markets.
These deaths were planned. It was the murder of so many people. We should hold today that we stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine in remembering this issue.
Over the past day or two, I have spoken about the Irish Coast Guard. Yesterday, I spoke about the issue of lifejackets and the day before I spoke about the failure to have an inquest into Caitríona Lucas’s death. The Coast Guard has been without a director for a considerable time now. There are massive issues with respect to the way volunteers have been treated in that organisation. There are outstanding grievances that have never been heard. To my mind,and from my point of view, the organisation appears to be toxic. I ask the Deputy Leader to bring the Minister before this House for a debate on the Irish Coast Guard and where exactly it is going. Volunteers put themselves forward to this organisation. They give of their time freely and to have senior members of the Coast Guard arriving at their house to tell them that they are fired is simply not good enough. I am therefore asking for a debate on that.